Chicago is the subject of two distinct visions of crime and crime-fighting. Analyzing how the Obama and Trump administrations address the city, as well as the broader issues of criminal justice, reveals how they both craft narratives about crime and policing.
Racial discrepancies in Police stops cannot be explained by different crime rates among Black Communities.
Beyond Colin Kaepernick’s fundamental right to refuse to stand and salute the flag, the fact that Black Americans are second class citizens needs to be recognized.
When the power differential between police and communities is so large, the “Police-Community Relations” narrative can skew the conversation.
This Department of Justice’s report on the Baltimore Police Department’s practices provides data for what the black community in Baltimore has said for years; they were ignored, criticized, and vilified.
Danny Hosein, a recent graduate of the University of Pennsylvania law school worked as field organizer in the 2008 Obama-Biden campaign, a Non-profit relations coordinator at Greater D.C. Cares and as a Scoville Fellow at the Friends Committee on National Legislation. He spoke to Benjamin Collinger about his career and a variety of public affairs topics.
Rhetoric from many opponents of Black Lives Matter has only deepened our divisions by dismissing oppression, linking civil rights with violence and professing Black criminality.
In the coming weeks, I plan on using this space to dig deeper into the concerns of minority communities and the history of crime policy in America. This week, I want to look back at the ideological and political origins of modern crime policy. In order to understand the origins of the modern civil rights struggle, we have to look back at the end of the one that took place in the 1960s.
Pride is unable to address the intersectionality of oppressed identities, and fails its purpose of truly celebrating diversity and uniqueness.